Representative Paul Ryan (R-WI), one of Congress’ most interesting members, was the guest at this morning’s session of TPC’s Tax Reform 2.0 series. He came to talk about his Roadmap for America’s Future—a comprehensive plan for dramatically restructuring both entitlement spending and the tax code. Ryan is nothing if not ambitious.

I’ll leave his proposals for Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security for another day. But on revenues, Ryan has embraced the idea of a consumption levy to replace the current income tax. (which is really a clumsy hybrid of both).

On the business side, Ryan goes for the Full Monty. He'd dump the corporate income tax for a subtraction method value-added tax. As in similar models, he’d allow businesses to fully expense all capital investment, but firms would no longer deduct their interest costs. The tax, which he’d set at a very low 8.5 percent, would be border adjustable so it wouldn't affect exports. Ryan is hardly the first person to come up with such a tax structure. Years ago, Rudy Penner and others proposed the very similar USA Tax. 

But Ryan gets credit for taking the leap on any form of VAT, usually anathema to his fellow Republicans and much of the business community. Bruce Bartlett, another often-heretical Republican, also endorses the VAT in a recent Forbes piece.

When it comes to individuals, however, Ryan loses his nerve. He proposes a full-blown consumption tax, all right, but then makes it voluntary. This is similar to what GOP presidential hopeful Fred Thompson talked about in the 2007-2008 primaries. Taxpayers would be given a choice: They could switch to a simplified income tax with almost no credits, deductions, or exclusions or keep today’s system with all its subsidies and complexity.

Ryan is convinced that taxpayers would flock to the new tax. It would have two rates—10 percent for income up to $100,000 and 25 percent on earnings above that level. It would include a big standard deduction and personal exemption ($39,000 for a family of four). Interest, capital gains, and dividends would be tax free. So would all estates.

The problem, as Rudy noted this morning, is that the wealthy would avoid taxes on their investments by migrating to the new system while middle-class itemizers (many of whom are hooked on their deductions for mortgage interest and the like) would stick with the current mess. The result: A huge revenue sink.

Ryan believes his new system would generate federal revenues of about 18.5 percent of   GDP—close to the post World War II average. But TPC found the Thompson plan would cut federal revenues by a staggering $6 trillion to $7 trillion over 10 years, assuming everyone chose the version that most minimized their tax bill. The biggest benefit would go to those making between $100,000 and $500,000. The TPC estimate was static, so actual revenue losses might be more moderate, but still…

In the longer run, young people might go for simplicity before they get hooked on tax preferences and may end up on the consumption tax. But in the long run, as they say, we are all dead.

Ryan’s reason for giving people the choice seems more political than economic. He understands that tax reform usually creates losers as well as winners. So he figures his winners-only option may make a consumption tax more appealing to voters. Still, it is too bad he blinked. But give Ryan credit for at least confronting the failure of the income tax. It is a lot more than most of his colleagues are willing to do.
 

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President Obama took aim at multinational corporations last May at a press conference on international tax policy. I’ll leave out the details here, lest I put you to sleep or explode your brain. Let’s just say that the current system is a mess that drastically needs fundamental reform. Economists describe two contrasting “pure” approaches to taxing the income U.S. companies earn abroad. A “worldwide” approach would apply our domestic tax rules to all income (with a foreign tax credit to protect against double-taxation). In theory, that system would tax U.S. business income the same, whether it’s earned at home or overseas, so firms shouldn’t care where they invest. In contrast, under a “territorial” or “dividend exemption” system, the U.S. wouldn’t tax active business income earned overseas; American firms would pay only the taxes of the country where they earn income, just like any non-U.S. business operating there. In theory, that puts U.S. businesses that invest abroad on equal tax footing with foreign firms.    more »
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A few thoughts on the House Democrats’ still-evolving plan to pay for close to half of health reform by raising marginal rates on the highest earning taxpayers: *By allowing the Bush tax cuts to expire, restoring the phase-outs of the personal exemption (PEP) and itemized deductions (Pease), and now by proposing a ‘surcharge” of 2 percent or more, Democrats would be boosting the top individual tax rate from the Bush-era 35 percent to nearly 45 percent, ever-closer to the 50 percent top rate of 1985.    more »
Recently, Senator Jeff Bingaman (D-NM) and Senator Charles Grassley (R-IA) introduced bills that would discourage private investment in toll roads through public-private partnerships (so-called P3s). Notable examples of this type of investment include the long-term concessions for the Chicago Skyway and the Indiana Toll Road that were granted to private toll road operator-investors.    more »
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The landmark Tax Reform Act of 1986 would never have happened without Jack Kemp. The voluble supply-sider, who died yesterday at 73, helped make tax reform, and not just tax cuts, acceptable to Republicans. As early as 1977, then-congressman Kemp and Senator Bill Roth (R-DE) pushed a bill that would have reduced tax rates across-the-board. In 1983, Kemp bucked many in his party by making back-channel overtures to Democratic tax reformer Senator Bill Bradley (D-N.J.)—an effort recounted in Jeff Birnbaum’s and Alan Murray’s Showdown at Gucci Gulch. Bradley and Kemp shared a key political insight: If you can get rates low enough, you will ease the pressure to create, and protect, tax loopholes.    more »
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President Obama announced yesterday that he has asked former Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker to head a new tax reform panel that will make recommendations by December 4th. This is great news. The current tax system is a complicated mess and can’t produce the revenues we will need in the coming years. But there is no reason for Volcker to reinvent the wheel. His panel could start by looking at the work of a bipartisan tax reform panel established by President Bush in 2005. I may be biased, since I served as the staff’s chief economist, but I think we designed a pretty good blueprint.    more »
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Is it time for the U.S. to consider a Value Added Tax? More and more tax experts think so. But the politics isn’t yet getting easier. One problem: While more specialists are joining the VAT fan club, they can’t agree on what to do with the money. TPC’s Len Burman has proposed a VAT to supplement the income tax and pay for health care. Michael Graetz, once a top tax aide to the senior George Bush, would use one to get most Americans off the income tax. At the TPC/Tax Analysts tax reform conference on Dec. 5, Pam Olson, who was a top tax aide to the today’s President Bush, endorsed the levy as a way to buy down corporate tax rates. Once the tab comes in for the trillions of dollars Washington is spending to stimulate the economy and bail out the financial markets, I am certain others will propose a VAT simply to help pay the bills.    more »
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I turned in my PhD dissertation just in time. I can’t believe I’m going to be a doctor of public finance. My paper: An Alternative Tax System in the McCain Administration. It is a detailed description and macroeconomic analysis of John McCain’s plan to give taxpayers a choice of paying under the current system or through a much simpler and more efficient option.    more »
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John Endean raised an intriguing idea the other day in response to my blog on whether business executives would be willing to give up targeted tax breaks in return for a lower corporate rate, as John McCain has suggested.    more »
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I'll be moderating what should be an interesting discussion on fundamental tax reform at the New America Foundation on Tuesday. Other panelists will be New America's Maya MacGuineas and Michael Lind, and Yale University's Mike Graetz, who has designed a new Value Added Tax. If you’d like to join us, sign up at NAF's website.

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Johnny, we hardly new ye.

John McCain’s ambitious plan to reform corporate taxes is disappearing faster than the Washington National's chances to win the national league pennant. What once had the makings of a provocative and potentially beneficial idea is morphing into a gimmicky mess.

Earlier his spring, McCain was talking about allowing companies to expense all their capital investments in the year they are made. This would eliminate many of the timing-related issues that make corporate taxes so complicated. It might even have become the first step towards replacing the income tax with a cash-flow levy. In such a system—a version of a Value Added Tax—companies would subtract their costs of goods from revenues and pay tax on the difference.

Back then, McCain had not yet answered one big question: What would happen to the tax deduction companies take for their interest payments? In any sensible expensing scheme, interest could no longer be tax deductible. If it were, businesses would become huge tax shelters.

Now that he’s started to answer this and other questions, his idea is getting worse. In his revised plan, which staffers have described to TPC, expensing would be limited only to short-lived property—equipment like cars and computers--now depreciated over five years or less. The proposal would be temporary, and would expire after five years. Interest payments would be taxable, but only if used to finance specific short-lived investments.

Yuck. Speeding up a deduction that you could take in a couple of years anyway is not much of a tax break. Making the proposal temporary just creates messy new timing issues—and would threaten to become yet another tax “extender” that is part of the annual Washington theater. And tying the interest deduction to the purchase of specific property will surely create endless opportunities to game the system. This will bring joy to the hearts of investment bankers and tax lawyers, but not to the rest of us.

The best that can be said about McCain's latest version is that perhaps it is an effort to shove the tip of the camel’s nose under the proverbial tent: Start with this and get more ambitious later. But that's a reach. Don’t get me wrong, McCain’s initial proposal had its problems, but it was intriguing, potentially far-reaching, and worthy of debate in a presidential campaign. This version will fall into the dust-heap of forgotten ideas. There was a brief moment when I thought we were going to have a serious tax reform debate in this campaign. I should have known better.

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For another take on my debate with George Yin on whether temporary tax breaks are a good idea George) or not (me), take a look at economistmom, the new blog by former House Ways & Means Committee chief economist Diane Lim Rogers. She’s got a great anecdote about a conversation with a committee member during a late night markup of an extender bill.

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Kudos to Rep. Paul Ryan (R-WI), the senior Republican on the House Budget Committee, for proposing an ambitious plan aimed at bringing government spending under control over the next 75 years. Actually, Ryan would do even more than that. He’d also restructure the tax code, Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid.    more »
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While most observers are focused on John McCain’s proposed summer gas tax holiday, they have missed a much bigger idea from GOP’s likely presidential nominee: A massive tax reform—but one that, at least as it stands now, would be a huge windfall for business.   more »
To celebrate April 15, TPC director Len Burman argued yesterday on TaxVox that today’s income tax “is not all bad” and that “we could do a lot worse.” Well, it may not be all bad, but it is pretty awful. And while we could do worse, we could also do a lot better.   more »
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